UCPN (Maoist) ideologue and former prime minister Baburam Bhattarai has been hard at work drafting the party’s manifesto in preparations for fresh Constituent Assembly (CA) polls scheduled for November 19.

Bhattarai has also been actively involved in persuading the party’s splinter group—the CPN-Maoist led by Mohan Baidya which has long been opposed to polls—into joining the election process. Bhattarai spoke to Dewan Rai and Kamal Dev Bhattarai about the party’s preparations for elections, possibilities of an electoral alliance and the specifics of its stance on federalism.

Will it be possible to hold elections on November 19 by accommodating the CPN-Maoist, as there will be more logistical hurdles for the Election Commission to deal with?

Of course, it is possible if we address their genuine demands and convince them of the importance of holding elections on time. Nothing is impossible in politics. If we fail to hold elections on time, the whole process will be in the danger of being derailed. Our party as well as my personal view is that we should try our best to accommodate the CPN-Maoist and ensure its participation in the electoral process.

Is the High-level Political Committee ready to postpone the election to March/April if the CPN-Maoist commits to join the election process?

It won’t be opportune to think of postponing the elections. We should try to hold polls on November 19 itself and persuade the CPN-Maoist to that end. Postponing elections indefinitely will not be favourable for the completion of the peace process.

There is speculation that the UCPN (Maoist) itself is not ready to go for November polls unless it makes an electoral alliance with the CPN-Maoist.

This is utter nonsense. At times, we feel fed up with the baseless rumour mongering that takes place in political circles and in the media. The UCPN (Maoist) fought a 10-year ‘people’s war’ and established the political agenda of a CA. Our party has sacrificed the most to hold elections this time around. My government was an elected government. It was my legitimate right to hold elections according to democratic practices. But we sacrificed our government just to hold elections. Now people still have doubts about our intention, which is irresponsible. Our party wants to hold elections at the earliest. There should be no doubt on this score.

Is it true that the ground position of the UCPN (Maoist) has weakened after the split?

Totally false. I have been visiting different parts of the country and have met local leaders who have visited all the 75 districts. Even when I was prime minister, I was always with the people. I never lost contact with the grassroots masses. My belief is that the UCPN (Maoist) is still the largest political force in the country. It will win the elections hands down.

Who are the main contenders in the election then?

We do not believe in just identifying a person or a party. This is a question of political agenda. The agenda of political change and socio-economic transformation championed by the UCPN (Maoist) is the main issue. The question of democracy now is an inclusive, proportional and participatory democracy in place of the traditional Westminster system of parliamentary democracy. Nepal is a society divided into different classes, linguistic groups and regions. If all these groups are not ensured their position in the state, we cannot have a functioning democracy. Under the main agenda is socio-economic transformation to remove poverty, unemployment and deprivation. These are the main agendas that are being championed by our party. All other parliamentary parties have their traditional conservative views, which have failed to address the problems of the country. So naturally, our party should win the elections and form a government for at least five years. We do not see any immediate challenger to our party.

The party has attempted to make electoral alliances with pro-federal parties. Has there been any progress towards that end?

Our main slogan will be to ask for an absolute majority to form a stable government and a two-thirds majority for a progressive constitution. Our party will try to win an absolute majority on its own. But we will try for a two-thirds majority with like-minded parties who share a common agenda like federalism with identity and ensuring progressive socio-economic change. On this basis, we are trying to build an alliance with Madhesi and Janajati parties and other oppressed groups like Dalits, Muslims and women.

You have been busy preparing the party’s election manifesto. What major agendas have you raised in the manifesto?

As of now, I have thought of five issues. First is the model of democracy. Traditional parliamentary democracy does not suit us. We would like to evolve into a model of inclusive, proportional and participatory democracy where the masses will be able to participate in the state.

Second is the federal structure of the state. Nepal is a multi-national, multi-cultural, multi-linguistic country with regional diversity. So we want a federal restructure of the state that willprovide identity and rights of autonomy to all oppressed nationalities and regions.

The third agenda will be economic development and prosperity with social justice. We want fast economic development but it should be inclusive as well so that the dividends of development go to all social groups.

The fourth is progressive nationalism. Since Nepal is sandwiched between two huge states, national independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity need to be preserved.

This concept of nationalism is new. The feudal or mandale nationalism propagated by the monarchy was very narrow and sectoral. It generated xenophobic tendencies among the masses. That is negative nationalism. We want to promote positive nationalism, whereby we have good relations with both India and China. Nepal will develop as a vibrant bridge between these two neighbours.

The fifth and most important agenda will be that we promise the people to give a stable, corruption-free government, which will provide good governance. For that, we need an absolute majority. On these five agendas, we are going to fight this coming election.

You emphasised inclusive participation but the party leadership itself is not inclusive. How will you ensure inclusion in the upcoming election?

Our party is the most inclusive party. If you are talking about just leadership positions, it is in an evolutionary stage. Inclusiveness moves with time. In the last CA, the most women were elected from our party. Out of 29 directly elected women, 24 were from our party. All seven directly elected members from the Dalit community were from our party. The case was similar with Madhesis and Janajatis. What I can assure you is that since we believe in justice for all and are trying to do away with all sorts of feudal oppression perpetrated by the old state, our party will definitely practise inclusiveness that is proportionate and participatory. These three words should be taken together, not in isolation.

Could you specify your basis for federalism and state restructuring, given that these were the two agendas that led to the dissolution of the last CA?

Ours is a nationalities-based identity, meaning common language, common territory, economic activities, common psychology, make-up or culture. Any stable group of people which have these four characteristics can be characterised as nationalities. So we want nationalities-based federalism, nationalities-based identity and genuine autonomy for nationalities-based federal units. People have slightly misinterpreted this as ethnic-based federalism. It is not the question of ethnicity but nationality.

When you first talked about nationalities-based federalism, many saw it as a change of stance. Has there been a change?

It is quite unfortunate that people don’t read documents. If you read our manifesto from the first CA elections, which I drafted, this has been clearly enunciated. We are in favour of nationalities-based federalism, not ethnic-based federalism. It was clearly stated then and we have been consistent with it.

Finally, what is the party’s stance on the Akhanda Sudur Paschim (Undivided Far West) movement, which is supported by your own party leaders?

The concept of federalism and undividedness, or akhandata, are contradictory. When you are going to restructure the state on a federal basis, all regional areas will be divided. If you make some region indivisible, you cannot restructure the state. So there is no point in indulging in such hairsplitting. We are going to create federal units on the basis of national and regional identity and autonomy. If there is some dispute on boundaries, then the concerned people will be consulted and given the rights to take a proper decision. We are not going to impose anything on anybody. This applies to all regions, including the Far West. (स्रोत इकान्तिपुर बाट साभार)